Repression intensifies in Kenya after recent protests: "They want to erase us."

Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi was at home on July 19 when “six armed men” broke into his property. “I live on a farm in Machakos, in Lukenya [southeast of Nairobi]. I had gone to the bathroom and, when I returned to the living room, I found them sitting there, and they told me they were going to arrest me for instigating terrorism” during the June 25 protests , this veteran of the Kenyan social struggle recounted in a telephone interview with EL PAÍS days after his arrest. Without a clear warrant, according to the activist, the officers searched his house and confiscated his computers, cell phones, and notebooks. They then took him to their office, repeated the process, and promised to transfer him to the Criminal Investigation Directorate, but ended up locking him up in a Nairobi police station. Nothing was heard from him for hours, and at the end of the day, he was released.

Mwangi's case is not an isolated incident. Human rights organizations denounce that his arrest is part of a broader pattern of repression against critical voices in Kenya, which includes arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and criminalization campaigns aimed at stemming the rising tide of social discontent in the country. Three leaders linked to community justice centers, John Mulingwa Nzau, Mark Amiani, and Francis Mutunge Mwangi, were arrested on June 27, two days after the latest mass demonstration in Nairobi against the government of William Ruto. According to the Prosecutor's Office, they allegedly instigated violence during the protests through social media posts, but civil society organizations such as Amnesty International denounce that the accusations lack evidence and seek to "decapitate" the movement's leadership.

In fact, the alleged terrorist activity that the agents attributed to Mwangi referred to his participation in that same protest on June 25. The event, which was initially conceived as a commemoration of the massive marches that had taken to the streets of Nairobi just a year earlier against the government's tax reform, turned into an explosion of national indignation against the Kenyan government, demanding structural reforms to combat the economic crisis crushing the country, affected by severe debt overhang . In addition to rejecting new taxes on basic goods such as bread, gasoline, and internet access, the protesters demanded justice for the death of professor and blogger Albert Ojwang in police custody in early June, as well as the resignation of the president. A total of 25 people died that day, according to the latest count by the Kenya National Human Rights Commission (KHRC), to which this newspaper has had access.

Social frustration in Kenya is fueled by a key demographic: approximately 80% of the population (out of a total of about 56.5 million) is 35 years old or younger, according to a recent Afrobarometer study , which finds that the majority of young Kenyans believe the government is failing to meet its priorities. The blow dealt by the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused millions of young people to lose informal jobs, coupled with the rising cost of living, has led 40% of young people to seriously consider migrating, according to the same study. This youth discontent has in turn translated into digital activism and protests, especially among younger generations, who use social media and promote collective action without formal structures. Kenya's case has acquired continental reach and is already serving as a mirror for similar movements in other African countries affected by economic crises, lack of opportunities, and repression of civic space.

“I was in shock , I couldn't breathe,” Mwangi recalls, recalling the moment of his arrest. He had already been arrested in October for his activism, and last May, he was detained and tortured in a hotel in Tanzania , where he had gone to assist Tundu Lissu, leader of that country's main opposition party, CHADEMA, who was in prison accused of publishing false information, as he denounced in a press conference. But this time, the charges against Mwangi were particularly serious: he was accused of paying goons —a local term for hired thugs—who allegedly sowed disorder during the protests, as Ruto himself claimed. In a meeting with the country's security officials on June 28, the Kenyan president described the events at the demonstration as “calculated” and “unconstitutional chaos” aimed at “regime change.”

The real reason I was arrested is because I have been part of a movement that demands accountability from Ruto.

Boniface Mwangi, activist

“The only ones who pay thugs are them [the government]. There are videos, photos, evidence that they are sent by politicians, but no one has been arrested. We protest without violence. We don't burn, we don't throw stones,” Mwangi defends himself, complaining that “the government has outsourced repression.” “People fear these thugs more than the police themselves, because they can beat you to death,” he adds.

In fact, although "on social media [the Kenyan authorities] posted that I had been arrested for terrorism, when I went to court, the charge had changed: from terrorism to possession of ammunition, which I didn't even have," he says. However, he believes the motive is another: "The real reason they arrested me is because I was part of a movement that holds Ruto accountable, mobilizing and demanding justice for the victims killed in last year's protests [around 60, of which only one is under investigation]. Because of my activism, they singled me out as one of the leaders," he notes.

Police repression

“Civic freedom in Kenya is being deliberately repressed,” Ernest Cornel, spokesperson for the Kenya National Human Rights Commission (KHRC), denounced in a telephone interview with this newspaper. “The police used excessive force, killed, abducted, and disappeared citizens. What the Constitution stipulates in Article 37, that Kenyans have the right to protest, is no longer fulfilled,” he added. According to updated data from the KHRC, in addition to the 25 people who died in the June 25 protests, another 35 lost their lives on July 7, during the symbolic day of Saba Saba [“seven seven” in Swahili, referring to the date], which commemorates the struggles against the authoritarian regime of the 1990s. “July has been the bloodiest month of the year,” Cornel summarizes.

Brayan Mathenge, economist and coordinator of the Githurai Justice Center, explains the growing wave of repression in a WhatsApp conversation: “They want to erase us, but they're generating more anger. This won't stop. We are a generation that no longer believes in empty promises or reforms from above.”

They wanted to send a clear message: no one is safe. Your visibility and career don't matter. If you upset the powers that be, you'll pay a price.

Ernest Cornel, spokesperson for the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights

The KHRC reports that arrests and disappearances have become systematic. In 2024, the NGO documented 82 enforced disappearances. “This year, we are still receiving reports, but it is difficult to keep an accurate count because many abductions occur at night, without witnesses, and family members are afraid to report,” Cornel explains. He adds: “It is no coincidence that Boniface [Mwangi] was arrested. They wanted to send a clear message: no one is safe. Your visibility or your career doesn't matter. If you upset those in power, you will pay a price.”

But Mwangi's case also has a regional dimension. Two days before his arrest, he and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire had filed a lawsuit against the Tanzanian government before the East African Court of Justice for having been unlawfully detained and tortured in May. "It's no coincidence. Governments in this region [Ruto in Kenya, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda, and Samia Hassan Suluhu in Uganda] copy each other's methods. They use fear and the judicial system to silence those who dissent," he maintains.

But despite the oppression, the mobilization continues. “Every time a defender is arrested, more people join in. Repression no longer fools anyone. It's not about protecting the people, it's about protecting those in power,” Cornel notes. Mathenge sums it up this way: “If we're forced to choose between fear and dignity, many of us will choose dignity, even if we know what it costs.”

Boniface Mwangi goes further and believes the country is at a crossroads: “Kenya was a vibrant democracy. But if Ruto manages to change the Constitution and stay beyond 2027, we will be left without a country. That's why we're still on the streets. Because if we don't resist, we lose everything.”